88–102 [ issue contents ] The present paper is dedicated to the phenomenon of the public sphere which is currently undergoing significant transfor … Indeed, exchanges between centrists who sit on different sides of the left–right divide are more likely than connections between centrists and extremists who are from the same ideological wing. Hannah Arendt, Jürgen Habermas, and Rethinking the Public Sphere in the Age of Social Media 2018, vol. Делается вывод о том, что классическое понимание, публичной сферы, восходящее к работе Юргена Хабермаса «С, публичной сферы», нуждается в переосмыслении, в новом подходе, который принимал, бы во внимание последние изменения и новые обстоятельства в развитии публичной, сферы. This article brings and analyzes them together on the common basis of the model of “political public sphere.” Accordingly, this hypothesis has been suggested based upon spatial reflections of Hannah Arendt's discourses on visibility in the public realm. Arendt's arguments concerning the causes of the failures of revolutions, made on the basis of several historical examples of revolutions from the 18th to the mid-20th century, are largely justified, even though these arguments still can be challenged to some extent. this issue, conceptualizing the transformations taking place in the public sphere under the influence of Internet communication technologies, taking their political context into account, and identifying the relationship between these changes and possible transformations of political regimes. Einleitung 2. These spaces serve as an alternative to traditional ones, are more open for participation, allowing citizens to "cooperate and express their opinions, and serve as watchdogs over society on a peer-production model" (Benkler, 2006: 177), and to "reorient themselves from passive readers and listeners to potential speakers and participants in a conversation" (213). Kap. montre que le republicanisme d'H. manifests in the interactions between individuals. , where Arendt clearly means that the pub, Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication. Sekundärer Zweck der Macht 2.3. Google Scholar. Bearing these two points in Beide stellen Macht als eine Potenz vor, die sich in Handlungen aktualisiert; aber jeder legt ein anderes Handlungsmodell zugrunde. It also delineates two main types of the public sphere, the “democratic public sphere” and the “authoritarian public sphere,” in order to take into account the features of public discourse in the context of various political regimes. Therefore, the cistern is not visible, physically and perceptionally. Dieser theoretisch-konzeptionelle Beitrag reflektiert die bisherigen Bemühungen, Öffentlichkeit unter digitalen Bedingungen neu zu denken, um anschließend eine alternative Perspektive aufzuzeigen: Durch eine Verbindung von Öffentlichkeitstheorie und relationaler Soziologie wird es möglich, die Transformation von Öffentlichkeit als eine Transformation der Kommunikationsbeziehungen innerhalb von Öffentlichkeit zu verstehen. The present paper is dedicated to the phenomenon of the public sphere which is currently undergoing significant transformations under the influence of the Internet and social media. 1, S. 16, und II, Kap. Hannah Arendt erläutert diesen Gedanken gerne mit dem Satz: ... 9 Albrecht Wellmer weist auf einen entscheidenden Unterschied zwischen Arendt und Habermas hin. (J. Habermas, Moralbewußtsein und kommunikatives Handeln, Frankfurt am Main 1983, S. 66). It demonstrates that such changes do not implicate a radical rejection of the common meanings of the notions like power, violence, and authority as they were defined in the “sociology of understanding”. This article is a systematic large-scale study of the reasons driving political fragmentation on social media. Hannah Arendt, Jürgen Habermas, and Rethinking the Public Sphere in the Age of Social Media. Habermas, Jurgen Technik und Wissenschaft als “Ideologie” Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 1968 Call #: B945.M2984 H3 Contains marginalia, underlining, marginal lining and endpaper notes. This paper investigates political homophily on Twitter. Dafür muss der Zugang zu allen Informationsquellen und Medien frei sein, und die Informationen müssen frei diskutiert werden können. x��˒�ƕ��x�o�Q�H�iV�Fa�l�ǡ��BҢ�)U��(tS6g��Ы�3�?���)�#�2���'�����薫��z�s��ε߻���}�Ň�{��-.�>��q����w��b�s��f�߸������?��ݧ��K�t�?�oܬ����M�͚������p����P�\���p���G.��0�m�u_3�����7��s�_�/�/\_s�*W���ZE��C}�~�>�`���3��o�j�p���^ 3: Models of Public Space: Hannah Arendt, the Liberal Tradition and Jürgen Habermas by Seyla Benhabib, in Situating the Self: Gender, Community and Postmodernism in Contemporary Ethics. party alignment. In Habermas and the Public Sphere , edited by Craig J. Calhoun, 73-98. Wolfgang Heuer: Hannah Arendt. The third section considers the special aspects of the digital transformation of the public sphere in a non-democratic context. Specifically, we focus on whether there are signs of clustering by Facebook members according to their political views, and whether the effects of tie strength observed in other forms of networks also are in evidence on Facebook. This article attempts to take a comprehensive approach to this issue, conceptualizing the transformations taking place in the public sphere under the influence of Internet communication technologies, taking their political context into account, and identifying the relationship between these changes and possible transformations of political regimes. related to its ideology, and reveal that the degree of connectivity across two Mit Hannah Arendt, Richard Rorty und Jürgen Habermas untersucht der Aufsatz, inwiefern sich politisches Geschichtenerzählen zwischen Kommunikation und Wahrheit sowie Narration und Enthüllung bewegt. ): Die Zukunft des Politischen, Frankfurt/M., S. 142-179. The findings show that the cistern turned into a semi-public space, because a stadium is open only when there is a football match. Using a discussion-based experiment, we untangle the unique and combined effects of information and social pressure on a political opinion that is highly salient, politically charged, and part of one’s identity. meaningful view of the world we live in. Dabei lassen wir uns von den Betrachtungen der politischen Theoretikerin Hannah Arendt (*1906, †1975), des Philosophen Jürgen Habermas (*1929) und des Kommunikationsphilosophen Vilém … Çalışma kapsamında Mese (Divanyolu) üzerinde yer alması ve Theodosius Surları'na yakınlığı nedeniyle Karagümrük'teki Aetius Sarnıcı (Karagümrük Çukurbostanı) şimdiki Vefa Stadyumu örnek alan seçilerek sarnıcın görünebilirliği, tarihî ve sosyal bağlamları tartışılarak alt ve üst ölçek ilişkileri üzerinden incelenmiştir. Habermas 1992, insbes. Beiträge zur Diskurstheorie des Rechts und des demokratischen Rechtsstaates. Keywords It sets out that Habermas’ original notion should best be understood as a method of immanent critique that critically scrutinises limits of the media and culture grounded in power relations and political economy. The idea that civil disobedience is compatible with the spirit of the law represents, for Arendt, the acknowledgement Making use of a comparative dataset of the Twitter discussion activities of 115 political groups in 26 countries, it shows that groups that are further apart in ideological terms interact less, and that groups that sit at the extremes of the ideological scale are particularly likely to. F, : ). Access scientific knowledge from anywhere. This paper employs Hannah Arendt’s characterization of the social , which lacks location and mandates conformity, to evaluate social media’s: a) challenge to the polis , b) relationship to the social, b) influence on private space, d) impact on public space, and e) virus-like capacity to capture, mimic, and replicate the agonistic polis, where “everything [is] decided through words and persuasion and not through force and violence.” Using Arendt’s exact language, this paper begins by discussing how she differentiated the political, private, social, and public realms. Arendt, fondee sur la notion aristotelicienne de liberte publique. Auch im Hinblick auf ihre Beurteilung der Rolle von Wahrheit im Bereich des Praktisch-Politischen sind die Positionen von Hannah Arendt und Habermas einander diametral entgegengesetzt. Na, of the members of certain social groups from the pub, groups can become marginalized from the lar, echo chambers with very similar views and interests o, to fake news, and to the radicalization of their agenda in o, reach a consensus with other societal groups, bu, number of social media users are barely perceptib, ). Modelle des öffentlichen Raums: Hannah Arendt, die liberale Tradition und Jürgen Habermas Von Seyla Benhabib Unterscheidungen zu treffen, ist immer ein schwieriges und riskantes Unterfangen. is mut, in common. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-531-93469-3_11 Corpus ID: 169870287. is one aspect of Arendt’s thought which represents a powerful spur towards a positive and e rest is, their issues to be a part of the general agenda. Habermas 1992, insbes. e most vivid example of this kind of h, tionary processes during the Arab Spring; discussions and self-o. My basic thesis is that Hannah Arendt is a crucial but underappreciated resource for his intellectual development. pp. Then, in order to contextualize the issues faced by modern researchers of social influence, we attempt summarize it's more classic models and explanations. From this perspective, I explain how civil disobedience allows citizens to However, we know less about how conformity pressures affect one’s deeply held political values and opinions. L'A. We present an empirical Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2004 im Fachbereich Politik - Internationale Politik - Allgemeines und Theorien, Note: 2,0, Carl von Ossietzky Universität Oldenburg, Veranstaltung: Grundbegriffe der Politikwissenschaft, 10 Quellen im Literaturverzeichnis, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Der Begriff der Macht ist ein nicht leicht zu fassender. In light of the results, theory about exposure to different ideological viewpoints online is enhanced. He gave the lecture on February 19th, 2014, at the University of Westminster. 17, No. Bizans döneminde, kentin tepe noktalarına yerleştirilen açık su sarnıçları tarihten bu yana değişen işlevleriyle günümüze kadar gelebilmişlerdir. 2. Lexington, Plymouth 2012. Although the theory has a number of significant advantages, it is still in need of considerable revision. Zurück Hannah Arendt. Die Unterscheidung von öffentlicher, semiöffentlicher und privater Kommunikation in Verbindung mit verschiedenen Formen sozialer Beziehungen erlaubt konzeptionelle Differenzierung, ohne den Öffentlichkeitsbegriff zu überdehnen. ***O campo público e revolução: Hannah Arendt entre teoria e práxis***O objetivo principal de nosso trabalho é analisar a ideia de Arendt sobre a influência das revoluções no âmbito público, examinando seu alcance teórico e prático. %��������� Acknowledgement: This paper is the extended version of Christian Fuchs’ inaugural lecture for his professorship of social media at the University of Westminster that he took up on February 1st, 2013. Fazit Literaturnachweis Extant research shows that social pressures influence acts of political participation, such as turning out to vote. resilience. Paradoxically, defining the cisterns as visible is not possible in today's Istanbul, despite their historical background. e modern public sphere is far from being, a unied public sphere as described by Ha, course. The third section considers the special aspects of the digital transformation of the public sphere in a non-democratic context. Hannah Arendts Begriff der Macht. However, today there is no clear or unambiguous answer to this question; expert estimates differ radically, from extremely positive to extremely negative. at means that although social networking services are mostly open and egalita, in sense of access and participation, their public discour, understand democracy as the equal distribution of presence a, believe that the emergence of social media contributes t, boundaries between the public and the private, media, from those public spaces near to the classic ideal of the public s, discussed but access is possible only for to a limi, with limited access and the full identication of i, the challenges to society posed by the rapid developmen, Hannah Arendt never used the term of the p, polis in its classical period. Indeed, exchanges between centrists who sit on different sides of the left–right divide are more likely than connections between centrists and extremists who are from the same ideological wing. The first part examines the main actual changes taking place in the public sphere under the influence of social media, and concludes that the classical concept of the public sphere, dating back to its early notion of Jürgen Habermas, needs to be rethought, this requiring a new approach which would take into account the actual changes and new circumstances in the development of the public sphere. Social media with its plurality an, local public spaces is a very promising phenomeno, digital public sphere allow us to describe them in terms of Ar, of social networks would reside in creating a, in the certain publics in social media may attract the atten, politician, while also being interpreted by traditional media, which not alwa, the whole spectrum of opinions, becomes the subject of a broad p, certain aspects analogous to the Greek γν between equal opinio, though Arendt does not reject the deliberative an, people speak and act in the public realm to be visible to other people, and to a, participants in public discourse can be very dierent, j, in her theory which is connected with its rigid distinction between the public and the, private, and the political and the social, a distinction her critics con, between these spheres could be also the subject of discussion and public con, e struggle for equality or the struggle to be heard, for a place in the public sp, rules which is highly unlikely to happen in reality, sphere, on the right to action, and the righ, these rights because of the new global political situation., right of every individual to belong to humani, a small active part of the population has a need to take part in political life. e present paper is dedicated to the pheno, e main goal of the article is to nd a new approac, main actual changes taking place in the public sphere un, modern public sphere than the classical Habermasian co, the existing trends in the development of the digi, cial media can open new ways for self-organiza, (knowledge, skills, nancial means), citizen participation, a, of social networking services, the public sphere can be purposefully built up, info, Social Sciences” carried out within the framework of the Basic Research Program a, (), needs some rethinking in order to f, describing social reality in the digital era. creating support links, comments, and likes. Hannah Arendt's Communications Concept of . e concept of the public space is under, two basic meanings: it is, on the one han, als, and the possibility to “be seen and heard by everybody” (Arendt, : ), which is, necessary to recognize the other and to be recognized by others. Join ResearchGate to find the people and research you need to help your work. Collective memories of totalitarianism and the industrialized slaughter of the Holocaust have exerted a profound influence on postwar European politics and philosophy. of interaction contains relevant information, where comment groups follow Arendt, fondee sur la notion aristotelicienne de liberte publique. : Predicting, Dahlberg L. () Rethinking the Fragmentation of the Cyberpublic: F, Fraser N. () Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contrib, Fuchs C. () Social Media and the Public Spher, tics//number-of-worldwide-social-network-users/, yakh revolyutsii: vzglyad iz perspektivy Khanny Aren, Кандидат философских наук, ведущий научный сотрудник Центра ф, Национального исследовательского университета «Высшая школа экономики», Адрес: ул. (1976) In: Jürgen Habermas: Philosophisch-politische Profile. Such an idealistic understanding o, real discourse in social media where discussions are oen far from a, its bridging which would be based on a more realistic an, its relevance in our time and can be useful for develo. Power / BY JURGEN HABERMAS IVIax Weber defined (Macht) as the possibility of forc-ing one's own will on the behavior of others. is phenomenon is especially vividly manifested on the pages o, where personal information about family a, Benhabib S. () e Embattled Public Sp. Reflections on Civil Disobedience in Hannah Arendt* Second, Arendt understands the pub, space where people are discussing some commo, place. e emergence of the rst social media formally dates back to , letin Board System) was developed for the exchan, a video hosting service which has some elements of other social networking sites and, number of social media users has been rapidly growing, reachin, connected through social media in the future. Participants that change their opinion due to social pressure in our experiment are more conservative politically, conscientious, and neurotic than those that did not. topics related to Swiss politics. Furthermore, we analyze the internal social network of each party through Auf die bedeutenden Unterschiede zwischen Arendt und Habermas, die auch für den restlichen Teil der vorliegenden Darstellung von Bedeutung sind, wird hier nicht näher eingegangen (zu Habermas' Auffassung s. die zwei Arendt-Aufsätze in Habermas 1981b). Hannah Arendt, Jürgen Habermas, and Rethinking the Public Sphere in the Age of Social Media. The paper introduces a theoretical model of public service media that it uses as foundation for identifying three antagonisms of the contemporary social media sphere in the realms of the economy, the state and civil society. are needed for the manifestation of free action. L'A. In addition, levels of homophily are higher in the network of reciprocated followers than in the nonreciprocated network. Publics, Publicness, and the Public Sphere Aetius Sarnıcı'nın bugün kamusal alan olamayışı, stadyum kullanımının sarnıcın duvarlarının üzerini örtmesi ve 1600 yıllık değerinin göz ardı edilmesi gibi bulguların tespit edilip sarnıcın görünebilirliliğinin sağlanabilmesi durumunda, Tarihi Yarımada gezi rotalarına yeni bir varış noktası eklenerek anlamlı bir bütün oluşturulacağına inanılmaktadır. () Echo Chamber or Public Sphere? Versuch einer empirischen Prüfung 2.2. We find that structures of political homophily differ strongly between Democrats and Republicans. analysis of the digital traces of politicians in politnetz.ch, a Swiss online Leaving such needs unfulfilled, social media risks to trump bios politicos. Habermas and Arendt by outlining what happens to Habermas’s and Arendt’s theories of emancipation following the change in subjectivity brought about following the loss of critical public space. I present the argument that the resultant development of a new subjectivity - which I refer to as homo spectaculorum - sustains the myopia of liberal Distinctions Hannah Arendt (/ ˈ ɛər ə n t, ˈ ɑːr-/, also US: / ə ˈ r ɛ n t /, German: [ˈaːʁənt]; 14 October 1906 – 4 December 1975) was a German-born American political theorist. Hannah Arendts Machtbegriff 2.1. We then report some preliminary analyses of small samples from those networks. Brunkhorst H. () Equality and Elitism in Arendt. В третьей части, предпринимается попытка переосмысления существующих трендов в развитии цифровой. It concludes that these limits can only be overcome if the colonisation of the social media lifeworld is countered politically so that social media and the Internet become public service and commons-based media. We find that while information plays a role in changing a person’s opinion, the social delivery of that information has the greatest effect. As a result of this consideration, it is concluded that, in a number of points, Arendt's notion of the public sphere is better suited to an understanding of the modern public sphere than the classical Habermasian concept. is is a dicult question, co, Rethinking of the Networked Public Sphere from an Arendtian Perspective, One of the most signicant and distinctive f, social and political processes of the present through the prism o, a certain risk since past transformations occurred in a sometimes co, political, social, and cultural context. III, VII u. VIII u. Habermas 1996, Kap. But Republicans who follow official Republican accounts exhibit higher levels of homophily than Democrats. All rights reserved. Jürgen Habermas: Hannah Arendts Begriff der Macht. It argues against an idealistic interpretation of Habermas and for a cultural-materialist understanding of the public sphere concept that is grounded in political economy. assert their public freedom, thereby adding something new to the world and exercising their Our results suggest that the online social structure of a party is The article examines Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy as a motivation for changes of the existing social orders, as they were defined by Max Weber and constitute the grounding for the common understanding of public administration as a public sphere’s phenomenon. 20, г. Москва, Российская Федерация 101000, Настоящая статья посвящена феномену публичной сферы, претерпевающей сего, существенные трансформации под влиянием Интернета и социальных медиа. ��;�Q����G@|�G`��떀2�#��t�r w_�]�z_��ƍ3�Ʈ��v������iH���� Q.�z��/W�����"�����}�(��L|��O0��s4@Dv�V���yT?s��oA�w-�YFW��|��*�%��X����1�rz��'����3d������a�g�w�6��Wf�{�x�O58AxF@��yU��|��/���t\��f���Ԅh�f� 6�;���,����`�U9���**����2�"��&PV�D�T�e�ӟQ�֘��jQZ4]�n3���|�W��D`�s꾸�$ʢW�)ܛr� �s�d�y���g]�'��KVzluP��s_㩟@ȼ�p�����7sw�}2��j�3`� Furthermore, the article estimates/offers the possibilities to converge their meanings for strengthening power as communication, to preserve the public realm as a place for reality, limiting the role of coercion and violence in the societal organization by increasing the influence of the authority in the public realm. Power / BY JURGEN HABERMAS IVIax Weber defined (Macht) as the possibility of forc-ing one's own will on the behavior of others. In this review article, we trace back the study of social, The question of how the digital transformation of the public sphere affects political processes has been of interest to researchers since the spread of the Internet in the early 1990s. We analyze network polarization as (1977): Kritik der Urteilskraft, Werkausgabe Bd. In general, Democrats exhibit higher levels of political homophily. The practical interest driving many 20th-century theories of the public sphere led Hannah Arendt, Jürgen Habermas, and Oskar Negt/Alexander Kluge to focus upon the various practices that bring about, and keep alive, a public sphere. Using a combination of machine learning and social network analysis we classify users as Democrats or as Republicans based on the political content shared. Sie hatte im Sommer 1968 begonnen diesen Essay auszuarbeiten. Seyla Benhabib explains this terminological shi from the German, the mother, becomes increasingly de-substantialised or de-corporealised in this process co, ence on political decision-making. Das Element der strukturellen Gewalt 3.3. Başka bir deyişle, kamusal alan Arendt tarafından insanların birbirine "göründüğü" özneler arası bir alan olarak algılanmakta ve bireylerin bu görünümler aracılığıyla ortaklaşa hareket ederek politik faaliyetleri etkilediği düşünülmektedir. The analysis of this multiplex network shows that each layer In the third part, I rethink the existing trends in the development of the digital public sphere from Arendt's standpoint. 2011. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-531-93469-3_11 Corpus ID: 169870287. В статье делается предположение, что понимание публичной сферы в т, Арендт во многом остается актуальным сегодня и может послужить одним из источников, нового подхода к пониманию публичной сферы. Unterscheidungen können eine Streitfrage sowohl erhellen als auch unklar werden las- erefo, dinary citizens in modern society refuse to participate in political life in favor of priva, is a too- great distance between individuals and the decision-making level in m, ant states, which triggers the sense of alienatio, understood very well that direct discussion and joint decision-making a, or small local communities — soviets (in terms of the Ru, meetings (in terms of the American Revolution) — was im, time, the emergence of social media provides new opportuni, could be ideally presented as a kind of multi-level co, mini-public spheres where the political life o, is then that these mini-public spheres, or e, derstood as some sort of councils, the historical examp, local public spaces, the increased fragmentation of the modern public sph, her council theory does not look like such an unambiguous p, be in the light of classical Habermasian public s, modern public sphere could be considered b, . In order to achieve these goals, several tasks are tackled during this research. © 2008-2021 ResearchGate GmbH. The Origins of Totalitarianism, published in 1951, was Hannah Arendt's first major work, wherein she describes and analyzes Nazism and Stalinism as the major totalitarian political movements of the first half of the 20th century. Max Weber hat Macht als die Möglichkeit definiert, den jeweils eigenen Willen dem Verhalten anderer aufzuzwingen. Frankfurt am Main 1994, ISBN 3-518-28961-6. No curso de nossa análise, também responderemos à questão sobre a aplicabilidade da concepção de Arendt sobre revolução no contexto moderno. In the last decade, the rise of online social media has posed new challenges and opportunities for researchers and modelers wishing to study social influence. The concluding section summarizes the results of the study, states the existing gaps and difficulties, outlines the ways for their possible extension, and raises questions requiring attention from other researchers. But they open the way to a new development of the public realm/space and public administration respectively by demonstrating the opportunities in situations when freedom border on necessity. In local public places, a person can dir, of view and discuss it with other participants.